Opinion Assignment #1

Focusing on social movements discussed in this week's readings: civil rights, women’s movement, gay liberation, chicano/chicana, and Vietnam War, struggles between radicalism and assimilation were apparent. Looking first at the civil rights movement, the difference in approach between Martin Luther King Jr. and other non-violent leaders, in comparison to more radical tactics as those displayed by Malcolm X, are extreme. As documented in King’s “Letter from a Birmingham Jail,” King and his followers displayed “nonviolent direct action.” As stated by King, “Nonviolent direct action seeks to create such a crisis and foster such a tension that a community which has constantly refused to negotiate is forced to confront the issue” (King 1963: 3). King and other non-violent supporters demonstrated their willingness to seek justice by sit-ins at lunch counters, boycotting shopping centers, and refusing to resort to any violent measures in the event that police or civilian brutality occurred. King addresses in his letter differences between just and unjust laws and the required willingness of civil rights activists to break unjust laws and ultimately go to jail if necessary in their fight towards justice. King maintained that through direct violent action change could occur while Malcolm X took the approach of “any means necessary,” to create a change in black oppression (Carson 2005: 12). Malcolm, a civil rights activist and member of Nation of Islam, sought alternative measures to King’s nonviolent approach. Malcolm preached black superiority and the demise of the white race. While his means were extreme and far different from King’s, Malcolm X had a large support group and following and will forever be remembered as one of the most influential African Americans in history.

The women’s movement offers another example of differences between groups within the same movement and pursuing similar interests. In Freeman’s article, “The Women’s Movement,” reform and radical are two branches of the movement that maintain different strategies, ideologies, and structural organization. The names of each group do not provide much information, as feminists do not represent sides of the traditional left and right ends of a political spectrum. Although feminists make-up two different branches of the women’s movement, the two groups share more similarities than differences. Freeman names the reform branch “The older branch,” and consists of organizations and an older median age of members. Furthermore, “Their activities tend to be centered on legal and economic problems” (Freeman 2009: 24). The younger branch of the women’s movement, radicals, is structurally different from their older, or reform, counterparts. Radicals generally have many small groups within their branch and have no hierarchical structure. Most members of this branch are under the age of 30 (Freeman 2009). The two groups appear to be different from one another, but it is important to remember that these women (and men) are essentially pursuing the same goals.

Fracturing within a movement is common because often women feel their needs are not met within the original movement. The original women’s movement consisted primarily of middle to upper class white women. In “The Origins and History of the Chicano Movement,” author Roberto Rodriguez notes, “Prior to Chicana feminists stepping forward, dealing with feminist issues was seen as white women stuff” (7). As any social organization grows, members potentially feel their needs are not being addressed and branch into their own organization creating a fracturing within the movement even though many of their goals and issues are quite similar.

The Black Panther Party (BPP) defined the concepts of rights differently from many other organizations and groups associated with the civil rights movement. In, “October 1966 Black Panther Party Platform and Program,” the article outlines what the Black Panthers want and believe. A socialist movement indeed, the Black Panther Party sees employment, housing, education, and the justice system as essential rights. With the exception of the criminal justice system, employment, housing and education are considered privileges in the United States rather than rights. Furthermore, the BPP feels that black citizens should not be forced to participate in military affairs. This appears problematic in the sense that they urge the government to provide housing, education and employment, yet feel they should not be required to serve in the United States Amred forces. The BPP was extreme in their requests, yet supported their claims with a valid argument. While King and the Black Panther Party share similarities, the BPP differs from King’s concept of rights, where King focuses on constitutional rights and integration.

Carson argues in his article, “The Unfinished Dialogue of Martin Luther King Jr. and Malcolm X,” that had the two great figures of the civil rights movement lived, their followers would come to realize that the differences between the two men were not as significant as the their shared dedication towards the same struggle for racial advancement (Carson 2005). The women’s movement is an example of two different groups of individuals working towards attaining the same goal, women equality. While their approaches and structure of their individual groups were different, their similarities, such as the similarities between Malcolm X and King were, were far more significant.

While both King and Malcolm were different in their approaches toward attaining racial advancement, neither approach was more valid than the other. King maintained a non-violent approach in order to “[C]reate a situation so crisis packed that it will inevitably open the door to negotiation” (King, 1963: 3). King felt this was the best approach in order to open the lines of communication between those unwilling to integrate and those pursuing their constitutional rights. King also acknowledged that if those opposing integration would not be willing to grant blacks the same rights as whites, violence would ultimately occur. As King announces in his letter, “And I am further convinced that if our white brothers dismiss as “rabble rousers” and “outside agitators” those of us who employ nonviolent direct action, and if they refuse to support our nonviolent efforts, millions of Negroes will, out of frustration and despair, seek solace and security in black nationalist ideologies—a development that would inevitably lead to a frightening racial nightmare” (King 1963: 7). What King suggests is rather than resort to violent measures initially, first seek nonviolent means, although King was convinced if racial discrimination did not cease, blacks nationwide would implement violence as a means for racial justice. Carson offers the reader the differences between King’s and Malcolm’s upbringing as a possible source for their different strategies. King, son of preachers, was raised in love and a financially comfortable home, while Malcolm was raised in poverty and taught from a young age that white men were the enemy. Carson suggests that these opposing strategies of King and Malcolm X are reconcilable. Perhaps if the men had set aside their differences in approach, they would have been far more successful than separately. In looking to the future, social movements as a whole need to look to each other to support and cultivate success as one rather than independent units.

References

Carson, C. (2005). The Unfinished dialogue of martin luther king jr. and malcolm x. New York:

Freeman, Jo. (Ed.). (2009). The Women's movement. Malden: Wiley-Blackwell.

King Jr., M.L. (1963). Letter from a birmingham jail.

October 1966 Black Panther Party Platform and Program

Rodriguez, R. (1996). The Origins and history of the chicano movement. East Lansing: